Nok er Hells Angels ikke guds bedste børn, men de er vores idioter. Man ved nogenlunde hvor man har dem, så selvfølgelig passer overskriften ikke.
En 14-årig pige fra Fredericia blev sent lørdag aften udsat for en voldtægtsforsøg. Hun var på vej hjem til noget familie, da en gruppe på syv yngre mænd fulgte efter hende. Pigen forsøgte at løbe fra mændene, der forfulgte hende ad flere gader og en sti. Da hun nåede Høgevej gemte hun sig bag et cykelskur, men mændene fandt hende, oplyser vagtchefen for Sydøstjyllands Politi i Horsens.
To af de unge mænd tog fat i pigen og pressede hende op af en mur, mens en tredje først slog hende i ansigtet og rev hendes bluse itu.
Han trak også hendes bukser og trusser ned, mens han selv trak sine joggingbukser ned.Det lykkedes pige at sparke sig fri og råbe på hjælp, hvorefter mændene, som pigen mener talte tyrkisk indbyrdes, stak af.
Fyens Stiftstidende
-I flok fra tre og opefter ændrer de karakter, bliver arrogante og modige. Her angriber de gerne uden varsel og årsag og det udover unge som gamle.
-De hader danskere; mentaliteten. levevisen, kristendommen og dens symboler. Ofte angiver de racisme som hovedårsag til at de hader, men de kan ikke se "splinten" i eget øje og tror racisme kun er hvid mod sort. De betragter Danmark som et luderland og jo mere ondt de kan tilføje landets borger, jo bedre har de det.
De terroriserer børn og unge i en sjælden grad set i dette land. Så groft og massivt, at det har giv et ordet "mobning" en helt ny mening, og det går ud over alle - også de nydanskere som i sjakalernes øjne er for integrerede og dermed forrrædere overfor den fornemmelse af "statsløshed" og "vi-har-ret" mentalitet som deres opdragelse og forskruede hjerner har skabt
Udklip fra HA´s Sjakalmanifest
lørdag, juli 04, 2009
onsdag, juni 24, 2009
Hvad der end sker i Iran
Det lykkedes måske ikke at vælte mullah-regimet i Iran, men derfor behøver oprøret ikke at være spild af tid. Den franske filosof Bernard-Henri Levy forklarer hvorfor:
Whatever happens from this point on, nothing will ever be the same in Tehran.
Whatever happens, if the protest gains momentum or loses steam, if it ends up prevailing or if the regime succeeds in terrorizing it, he who should now only be called president-non-elect Ahmadinejad will only be an ersatz, illegitimate, weakened president.
Whatever happens, whatever the result of this crisis provoked two weeks ago by the enormity of a fraud that serious-minded people can no longer doubt, no Iranian leader can appear on the global scene, or in any negotiation with Obama, Sarkozy, or Merkel, without being haloed, not by the nimbus of light dreamed of by Ahmadinejad in his 2005 speech to the United Nations, but by the cloud of sulphur that crowns cheaters and butchers.
Whatever happens, the Ayatollah Khamenei, Khomeini's successor and Supreme Leader of the regime, tutelary authority of the President, father of the people, will have lost his role as arbiter, will have shamelessly sided with one faction over the others, and will have therefore lost what remained of his authority: "Only God knows my vote," he carefully replied four years ago to those who were already calling upon him to denounce the fraud--"in the name of merciful God, I armor, I hammer, and I dissolve the people," he has responded this time to the naïve who believed he was there to uphold the Constitution.
Whatever happens, the block of ayatollahs who had always succeeded in maintaining a united front, whatever their differences and divergent interests, will have put their ferocious divisions on display: the ones behind Khamenei, approving of the decision to crush the movement with blood; the others, like the ex-President Rafsanjani, leader of the very powerful Assembly of Experts, warning that if the wave of protests were not taken seriously, veritable "volcanoes" of anger would erupt. Others still like the Grand Ayatollah Montazeri who, since his house arrest in Qom, has been calling for a recount and for national mourning for the victims of the repression; and without mentioning the leading religious experts of the "Office of Theological Seminaries" who no longer fear proposing the possibility--what passed for heresy not long ago--of Khamenei's resignation and of his replacement by a "Guidance Council."
Huffington Post
Whatever happens from this point on, nothing will ever be the same in Tehran.
Whatever happens, if the protest gains momentum or loses steam, if it ends up prevailing or if the regime succeeds in terrorizing it, he who should now only be called president-non-elect Ahmadinejad will only be an ersatz, illegitimate, weakened president.
Whatever happens, whatever the result of this crisis provoked two weeks ago by the enormity of a fraud that serious-minded people can no longer doubt, no Iranian leader can appear on the global scene, or in any negotiation with Obama, Sarkozy, or Merkel, without being haloed, not by the nimbus of light dreamed of by Ahmadinejad in his 2005 speech to the United Nations, but by the cloud of sulphur that crowns cheaters and butchers.
Whatever happens, the Ayatollah Khamenei, Khomeini's successor and Supreme Leader of the regime, tutelary authority of the President, father of the people, will have lost his role as arbiter, will have shamelessly sided with one faction over the others, and will have therefore lost what remained of his authority: "Only God knows my vote," he carefully replied four years ago to those who were already calling upon him to denounce the fraud--"in the name of merciful God, I armor, I hammer, and I dissolve the people," he has responded this time to the naïve who believed he was there to uphold the Constitution.
Whatever happens, the block of ayatollahs who had always succeeded in maintaining a united front, whatever their differences and divergent interests, will have put their ferocious divisions on display: the ones behind Khamenei, approving of the decision to crush the movement with blood; the others, like the ex-President Rafsanjani, leader of the very powerful Assembly of Experts, warning that if the wave of protests were not taken seriously, veritable "volcanoes" of anger would erupt. Others still like the Grand Ayatollah Montazeri who, since his house arrest in Qom, has been calling for a recount and for national mourning for the victims of the repression; and without mentioning the leading religious experts of the "Office of Theological Seminaries" who no longer fear proposing the possibility--what passed for heresy not long ago--of Khamenei's resignation and of his replacement by a "Guidance Council."
Huffington Post
søndag, juni 21, 2009
Øjenvidneberetninger fra Tehran
En iransk demonstrant beretter fra gårsdagens demonstration i Tehran.
Then at Towhid Square the scene changes drastically. The streets to Azadi are blocked. But this time, people don’t change their path. They fight for it. There’s a shower of stones. Tear gas. Fire. People jam the sidewalks. The battle scene is huge. We cannot see the limits but it extends to nearby street. My student is keener to go forward than I am. Her mother could persuade her to stay home for two days, but now allows her to go out on the most dangerous day. The people shout, ‘Down with the dictator’. The anti-riot police are also throwing stones. People don’t run back anymore. I grab a broken brick and throw. I’m amazed. I never thought I’d do it. I should practice. It was a very bad shot. I grab another one, the size of a pomegranate and keep it with me, hiding it behind my back. My feeling is a mixture of a university teacher and a hooligan.
Øjenvidneberetningen kan læses i fuld længde her
En af de få professionelle journalister som tør dække urolighederne i Iran på nærmeste hold, er Roger Cohen fra New York Times. Gid der var mere af den slags professionel journalistik.
TEHRAN — The Iranian police commander, in green uniform, walked up Komak Hospital Alley with arms raised and his small unit at his side. “I swear to God,” he shouted at the protesters facing him, “I have children, I have a wife, I don’t want to beat people. Please go home.”
A man at my side threw a rock at him. The commander, unflinching, continued to plead. There were chants of “Join us! Join us!” The unit retreated toward Revolution Street, where vast crowds eddied back and forth confronted by baton-wielding Basij militia and black-clad riot police officers on motorbikes.
I don’t know where this uprising is leading. I do know some police units are wavering. That commander talking about his family was not alone. There were other policemen complaining about the unruly Basijis. Some security forces just stood and watched. “All together, all together, don’t be scared,” the crowd shouted.
I also know that Iran’s women stand in the vanguard. For days now, I’ve seen them urging less courageous men on. I’ve seen them get beaten and return to the fray. “Why are you sitting there?” one shouted at a couple of men perched on the sidewalk on Saturday. “Get up! Get up!”
New York Times
Then at Towhid Square the scene changes drastically. The streets to Azadi are blocked. But this time, people don’t change their path. They fight for it. There’s a shower of stones. Tear gas. Fire. People jam the sidewalks. The battle scene is huge. We cannot see the limits but it extends to nearby street. My student is keener to go forward than I am. Her mother could persuade her to stay home for two days, but now allows her to go out on the most dangerous day. The people shout, ‘Down with the dictator’. The anti-riot police are also throwing stones. People don’t run back anymore. I grab a broken brick and throw. I’m amazed. I never thought I’d do it. I should practice. It was a very bad shot. I grab another one, the size of a pomegranate and keep it with me, hiding it behind my back. My feeling is a mixture of a university teacher and a hooligan.
Øjenvidneberetningen kan læses i fuld længde her
En af de få professionelle journalister som tør dække urolighederne i Iran på nærmeste hold, er Roger Cohen fra New York Times. Gid der var mere af den slags professionel journalistik.
TEHRAN — The Iranian police commander, in green uniform, walked up Komak Hospital Alley with arms raised and his small unit at his side. “I swear to God,” he shouted at the protesters facing him, “I have children, I have a wife, I don’t want to beat people. Please go home.”
A man at my side threw a rock at him. The commander, unflinching, continued to plead. There were chants of “Join us! Join us!” The unit retreated toward Revolution Street, where vast crowds eddied back and forth confronted by baton-wielding Basij militia and black-clad riot police officers on motorbikes.
I don’t know where this uprising is leading. I do know some police units are wavering. That commander talking about his family was not alone. There were other policemen complaining about the unruly Basijis. Some security forces just stood and watched. “All together, all together, don’t be scared,” the crowd shouted.
I also know that Iran’s women stand in the vanguard. For days now, I’ve seen them urging less courageous men on. I’ve seen them get beaten and return to the fray. “Why are you sitting there?” one shouted at a couple of men perched on the sidewalk on Saturday. “Get up! Get up!”
New York Times
lørdag, juni 20, 2009
"Død over Khamenei"
Mainstream-medierne sender ikke mange billeder fra dagens regimekritiske demonstrationer i Iran. Det gør derimod iranske borgerjournalister, bloggere etc. På dagens mest opløftende borgervideo høres råbet: Død over Khamenei.
Andre borgervideoer fra i dag kan ses her.
Andre borgervideoer fra i dag kan ses her.
mandag, juni 15, 2009
Iransk vælgervrede
Det iranske mullah-regime har tilladt en anelse demokrati. Det skal man passe på med at tillade, især hvis der ovenikøbet bliver snydt med stemmerne.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won by a two-to-one reported margin over principal challenger Mir Hossein Mousavi despite having driven the Iranian economy into a ditch. As the Associated Press reported, election authorities were miraculously able to count millions of paper ballots almost immediately after the polls closed to hand Mr. Ahmadinejad his supposed victory. In previous elections, the vote count had come more slowly and with regional delays. "What is most shocking is not the fraud itself, but that it was brazen and entirely without pretext," writes Laura Secor in the New Yorker.
Iran focus
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won by a two-to-one reported margin over principal challenger Mir Hossein Mousavi despite having driven the Iranian economy into a ditch. As the Associated Press reported, election authorities were miraculously able to count millions of paper ballots almost immediately after the polls closed to hand Mr. Ahmadinejad his supposed victory. In previous elections, the vote count had come more slowly and with regional delays. "What is most shocking is not the fraud itself, but that it was brazen and entirely without pretext," writes Laura Secor in the New Yorker.
Iran focus
Kristne i oprør i hele verden
Efter det er kommet frem at amerikansk militær i Afghanistan har brændt et større antal Bibler af, for at forhindre kristen missionering blandt muslimer, er der over hele verden ubrudt omfattende uroligheder. I Berlin smadrer rasende kristne ruderne på den amerikanske ambassade. Foran en amerikansk kaserne i Polen er en kristen himmelfartskommando blevet forhindret i at udføre et selvmordsattentat. To kristne fundamentalister er blevet skudt. I Istanbul går cirka 1000 kristne armenere på gaden med billeder af præsident Obama, der hænger på et kors. - Korsfæst, korsfæst ham skriger mængden. I det amerikanske bibelbælte hersker kaos. Overalt forsøger kristne bander at lynche regeringstro borgere. I Vatikanet diskuterer man om inkvisitionen skal tages i brug overfor amerikanske statsborgere.
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